During the time period of 1927∼1929, the domestic Students movement was being developed, in terms of its mass, and also of its state of organization. Throughout the country, reading groups of students who were determined to study Socialism were established in most of the middle schools. Also, the number of incidents of the students temporarily removing themselves from schools increased rather rapidly. Students involved in those incidents claimed that education should be conducted for the interests of the Joseon people. We can see that they were starting to engage in full-fledged resistance movements against colonial education that was being overseen by the Japanese imperial authorities. Reading groups established in schools enabled the political organizations inside the schools to ...
During the time period of 1927∼1929, the domestic Students movement was being developed, in terms of its mass, and also of its state of organization. Throughout the country, reading groups of students who were determined to study Socialism were established in most of the middle schools. Also, the number of incidents of the students temporarily removing themselves from schools increased rather rapidly. Students involved in those incidents claimed that education should be conducted for the interests of the Joseon people. We can see that they were starting to engage in full-fledged resistance movements against colonial education that was being overseen by the Japanese imperial authorities. Reading groups established in schools enabled the political organizations inside the schools to grow, and as a result the students' capabilities to successfully launch initiatives such as orchestrating the students' temporary absence from schools were enhanced considerably. Such allied movements of absence in 1927 and 1928 showed certain changes in the students'requests. And in terms of methodology, the capabilities demonstrated by the students' organization were quite impressive. The Gwangju Students Movement was born in this kind of environment, in which the capability and determination of the students were rising, and the state of organization was phenomenal everywhere inside the country. It was never coincidental for the Gwangju Students Movement which started in late 1929 to expand throughout the country. In the Gwangju region, reading groups of students had begun their activities quite early compared to the other regions. A group called Seongjin-hwae／醒進會 was launched in late 1926 by students from Gwangju High School(光州高等普通學校) and Gwangju Agriculture School(光州農業學校), students who all wished to study Socialism. This Seongjin-hwae group was later dismantled rather quickly, but other study groups interested in Socialism continued to show up and do their studies. In 1929, a new reading group composed of students from Gwangju High School, Gwangju Agriculture School and the Jeon-Nam Teacher-training school(全南師範學校) was organized for the purpose of Socialism studies. Students from this reading group also led the students' demonstration in November 1929 inside the Gwangju area. Socialist secret groups were guiding not only the demonstrations in Gwangju, but also the demonstration launched by the students of the Mokpo Commerce School, and the Primary demonstrations that occurred inside the Seoul area. A massive arrest of students ensued the demonstration launched by Korean students which followed a rather fierce rumble between the Korean and Japanese students in November 3rd, 1929. Responding to such arrest, the students launched the Secondary Students demonstration movement on November 12th, with members of the reading groups as core personnel and under the guidance of the local youth organizations such as Jeon-Nam Province Youth Alliance(Jeon-Nam Cheongnyeon Yeonmaeng/全南靑年聯盟). Demonstrations in the Gwangju region expanded, and also reached the capital through students and student organizations inside the Seoul area. The Joseon Students Vanguard Alliance(Joseon Haksaeng Jeonwi Dongmaeng/朝鮮學生前衛同盟), which was an organization of Middle school students, and the Joseon Youth Alliance(Joseon Cheongnyeon Chong-Dongmaeng/朝鮮靑年總同盟) & Central Youth Alliance(Jungang Cheongnyeon Dongmaeng/中央靑年同盟), which were organizations of youths, were behind the massive demonstration of middle school students which occurred in Seoul and in early December of 1929. And in January 1930, female students launched major demonstrations inside the Seoul area. Later, demonstrations expanded throughout the country. Outside Seoul, demonstrations launched by students were most active in the Gyeongsang Namdo province, Pyeongan Namdo province, and Hamgyeong Namdo & Bukdo provinces. The requests and claims of the students were also various. First, they strongly requested the swift release of the students arrested at Gwangju. It was a wide-spreaded, general feeling that it was nothing but a deliberate act of discrimination on the part of the Japanese imperial authorities to arrest only the Korean students at Gwangju. This sentiment was also vital in the expansion of the students movement throughout the country. This kind of discrimination was everywhere, and the students were being forced to accept it through the enslaving, colonial education they were receiving from the Japanese teachers. To escape from this kind of discrimination, gaining independence from the Japanese ruling was the ultimate answer. So, quite naturally, as the demonstrations expanded throughout the country, the Gwangju Students Movement was developed beyond the level of only being an ordinary student movement, and reached the level of being a national resistance movement against the Japanese ruling. And in the process, local branches of social movement organizations such as ShinGan-hwae or Youth Alliance started to support such activities. On the national stage, the facets of the movement appeared in various forms from region to region. Local situations were mirrored in such facets. In some cases, members from branch groups of the ShinGan-hwae organization or local members of the Youth Alliance guided the outbursts of students demonstration, or openly requested the students to participate in such demonstrations by hanging written appeals in the streets. In most of these cases, Socialism was the leading ideology advocated by the persons behind. Even independent cases involving ordinary students with no attachment to the Socialism groups showed the Red flag(赤旗) or Socialist catch-phrases. Yet not every cases were showing Socialist predilections. In the Pyeongyang area, major students demonstrations continued to occur under Nationalist mottos, with no influence from the Socialists. The students demonstration in the Pyeongyang area was instrumental in expanding such movements throughout the Northwest area of the Korean peninsula. Almost all of the students attending the 10 plus schools in Pyeongyang area participated in the demonstrations. And the Nationalist nature of those demonstrations well revealed the diverse nature of all the movements inspired by the Gwangju Student Movement, in terms of the spectrum of ideological preferences inside the movements. One of the things that should be noted is the fact that, in the wake of national demonstrations answering to the call of Gwangju, even the elementary school students were participating In the demonstrations. Demonstrations of elementary school students have already started at the time of March 1st Manse/만세 movement, but they also became a national phenomena at this time around. At the expansion of the Gwangju Students movement, the Korean societies abroad also responded. Oversea opinions viewing the students movement in Korea were quite diverse. Yet they were all watching the same situation in which the students movements were turning into a political struggle, and they all concurred in their assessment of the situation, which was basically a growing resistance against the Japanese Imperialism. The liberation movement front, which was showing internal divergence in terms of philosophy and ideology, began to seek for new approaches that would reunite the factions inside the front, after witnessing the progress the students movements in Gwangju and everywhere else were making. The domestic students movements also stunned the people in China. The Chinese press and news services reported all the changes and progresses happening inside the students movements. Such reports from the news wires shaped the opinion of the Chinese public upon this matter. And finally, in January 1930, the People Farty(國民黨) of China declared their official support of the Gwangju Students Movement. The rationalization was that they chose to support the liberation movement continuing inside Korea, as such efforts were definitely helpful to the completion of the cause of Chinese revolution. As we can see, the Gwangju Students movement resonated not only inside Korea but also in Korean communities across the sea and also considerably affected the Chinese People party. The liberation movement outside the country started to seek new possibilities from inside the Gwangju students movement, and the Chinese government also tried to derive an example from the Korean National movements, which would ultimately urge the Chinese population to have a national awakening. In the meantime, the Gwangju Students movement marked a new beginning for the entire students movement front. It was indeed a revolutionary turning point for the students movement, considering the nature of the June 10th Manse/만세 movement, in which the students movement was coordinated by a handful of students only inside the Seoul area. Compared to that, the Gwangju students movement was originated in the local areas, and reached the capital and then expanded throughout the country. This clearly shows that during the expansion in 1927, 1928 and 1929, a general response, a national sympathy was established. The students movement was indeed being developed into a popular movement on the national stage. And the students movement front was effectively leading the national movement front inside the Joseon peninsula. The students movements in the 1930s inherited the level of importance and sophistication featured by the movements in the late 1920s. In the 1930s, the students were trying to 'reach the general population' and also breathe with them.
During the time period of 1927∼1929, the domestic Students movement was being developed, in terms of its mass, and also of its state of organization. Throughout the country, reading groups of students who were determined to study Socialism were established in most of the middle schools. Also, the number of incidents of the students temporarily removing themselves from schools increased rather rapidly. Students involved in those incidents claimed that education should be conducted for the interests of the Joseon people. We can see that they were starting to engage in full-fledged resistance movements against colonial education that was being overseen by the Japanese imperial authorities. Reading groups established in schools enabled the political organizations inside the schools to grow, and as a result the students' capabilities to successfully launch initiatives such as orchestrating the students' temporary absence from schools were enhanced considerably. Such allied movements of absence in 1927 and 1928 showed certain changes in the students'requests. And in terms of methodology, the capabilities demonstrated by the students' organization were quite impressive. The Gwangju Students Movement was born in this kind of environment, in which the capability and determination of the students were rising, and the state of organization was phenomenal everywhere inside the country. It was never coincidental for the Gwangju Students Movement which started in late 1929 to expand throughout the country. In the Gwangju region, reading groups of students had begun their activities quite early compared to the other regions. A group called Seongjin-hwae／醒進會 was launched in late 1926 by students from Gwangju High School(光州高等普通學校) and Gwangju Agriculture School(光州農業學校), students who all wished to study Socialism. This Seongjin-hwae group was later dismantled rather quickly, but other study groups interested in Socialism continued to show up and do their studies. In 1929, a new reading group composed of students from Gwangju High School, Gwangju Agriculture School and the Jeon-Nam Teacher-training school(全南師範學校) was organized for the purpose of Socialism studies. Students from this reading group also led the students' demonstration in November 1929 inside the Gwangju area. Socialist secret groups were guiding not only the demonstrations in Gwangju, but also the demonstration launched by the students of the Mokpo Commerce School, and the Primary demonstrations that occurred inside the Seoul area. A massive arrest of students ensued the demonstration launched by Korean students which followed a rather fierce rumble between the Korean and Japanese students in November 3rd, 1929. Responding to such arrest, the students launched the Secondary Students demonstration movement on November 12th, with members of the reading groups as core personnel and under the guidance of the local youth organizations such as Jeon-Nam Province Youth Alliance(Jeon-Nam Cheongnyeon Yeonmaeng/全南靑年聯盟). Demonstrations in the Gwangju region expanded, and also reached the capital through students and student organizations inside the Seoul area. The Joseon Students Vanguard Alliance(Joseon Haksaeng Jeonwi Dongmaeng/朝鮮學生前衛同盟), which was an organization of Middle school students, and the Joseon Youth Alliance(Joseon Cheongnyeon Chong-Dongmaeng/朝鮮靑年總同盟) & Central Youth Alliance(Jungang Cheongnyeon Dongmaeng/中央靑年同盟), which were organizations of youths, were behind the massive demonstration of middle school students which occurred in Seoul and in early December of 1929. And in January 1930, female students launched major demonstrations inside the Seoul area. Later, demonstrations expanded throughout the country. Outside Seoul, demonstrations launched by students were most active in the Gyeongsang Namdo province, Pyeongan Namdo province, and Hamgyeong Namdo & Bukdo provinces. The requests and claims of the students were also various. First, they strongly requested the swift release of the students arrested at Gwangju. It was a wide-spreaded, general feeling that it was nothing but a deliberate act of discrimination on the part of the Japanese imperial authorities to arrest only the Korean students at Gwangju. This sentiment was also vital in the expansion of the students movement throughout the country. This kind of discrimination was everywhere, and the students were being forced to accept it through the enslaving, colonial education they were receiving from the Japanese teachers. To escape from this kind of discrimination, gaining independence from the Japanese ruling was the ultimate answer. So, quite naturally, as the demonstrations expanded throughout the country, the Gwangju Students Movement was developed beyond the level of only being an ordinary student movement, and reached the level of being a national resistance movement against the Japanese ruling. And in the process, local branches of social movement organizations such as ShinGan-hwae or Youth Alliance started to support such activities. On the national stage, the facets of the movement appeared in various forms from region to region. Local situations were mirrored in such facets. In some cases, members from branch groups of the ShinGan-hwae organization or local members of the Youth Alliance guided the outbursts of students demonstration, or openly requested the students to participate in such demonstrations by hanging written appeals in the streets. In most of these cases, Socialism was the leading ideology advocated by the persons behind. Even independent cases involving ordinary students with no attachment to the Socialism groups showed the Red flag(赤旗) or Socialist catch-phrases. Yet not every cases were showing Socialist predilections. In the Pyeongyang area, major students demonstrations continued to occur under Nationalist mottos, with no influence from the Socialists. The students demonstration in the Pyeongyang area was instrumental in expanding such movements throughout the Northwest area of the Korean peninsula. Almost all of the students attending the 10 plus schools in Pyeongyang area participated in the demonstrations. And the Nationalist nature of those demonstrations well revealed the diverse nature of all the movements inspired by the Gwangju Student Movement, in terms of the spectrum of ideological preferences inside the movements. One of the things that should be noted is the fact that, in the wake of national demonstrations answering to the call of Gwangju, even the elementary school students were participating In the demonstrations. Demonstrations of elementary school students have already started at the time of March 1st Manse/만세 movement, but they also became a national phenomena at this time around. At the expansion of the Gwangju Students movement, the Korean societies abroad also responded. Oversea opinions viewing the students movement in Korea were quite diverse. Yet they were all watching the same situation in which the students movements were turning into a political struggle, and they all concurred in their assessment of the situation, which was basically a growing resistance against the Japanese Imperialism. The liberation movement front, which was showing internal divergence in terms of philosophy and ideology, began to seek for new approaches that would reunite the factions inside the front, after witnessing the progress the students movements in Gwangju and everywhere else were making. The domestic students movements also stunned the people in China. The Chinese press and news services reported all the changes and progresses happening inside the students movements. Such reports from the news wires shaped the opinion of the Chinese public upon this matter. And finally, in January 1930, the People Farty(國民黨) of China declared their official support of the Gwangju Students Movement. The rationalization was that they chose to support the liberation movement continuing inside Korea, as such efforts were definitely helpful to the completion of the cause of Chinese revolution. As we can see, the Gwangju Students movement resonated not only inside Korea but also in Korean communities across the sea and also considerably affected the Chinese People party. The liberation movement outside the country started to seek new possibilities from inside the Gwangju students movement, and the Chinese government also tried to derive an example from the Korean National movements, which would ultimately urge the Chinese population to have a national awakening. In the meantime, the Gwangju Students movement marked a new beginning for the entire students movement front. It was indeed a revolutionary turning point for the students movement, considering the nature of the June 10th Manse/만세 movement, in which the students movement was coordinated by a handful of students only inside the Seoul area. Compared to that, the Gwangju students movement was originated in the local areas, and reached the capital and then expanded throughout the country. This clearly shows that during the expansion in 1927, 1928 and 1929, a general response, a national sympathy was established. The students movement was indeed being developed into a popular movement on the national stage. And the students movement front was effectively leading the national movement front inside the Joseon peninsula. The students movements in the 1930s inherited the level of importance and sophistication featured by the movements in the late 1920s. In the 1930s, the students were trying to 'reach the general population' and also breathe with them.
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