[논문]The Production of Stops by Seoul and Yanbian Korean Speakers

오미라

doi:10.13064/ksss.2013.5.4.185

The Production of Stops by Seoul and Yanbian Korean Speakers 원문보기

말소리와 음성과학 = Phonetics and speech sciences, v.5 no.4, 2013년, pp.185 - 193

오미라 (Chonman National University)

Abstract ▼ AI-Helper

This study investigates dialectal differences in the acoustic properties of Korean lenis, aspirated, and tense stops Seoul Korean (standard Korean) and Yanbian Korean (spoken in the largest Korean Autonomous Prefecture in China). This production study the main acoustic cues that each dialect uses to mark the laryngeal distinction between the three types of Korean stops. Measurements included VOT, and the initial F0 of the following vowel. Data collected from 10 young Seoul Korean speakers, 10 young Yanbian Korean speakers, and 6 older Yanbian speakers. two key findings: First, aspirated and lenis stops are mainly differentiated by F0 in Seoul Korean, and by $H1^*-H2^*$ in Yanbian Korean. Second, there is no VOT merger between lenis and aspirated stops in Yanbian Korean, whereas there is in Seoul Korean. These results are discussed in terms of the phenomenon of VOT shift and the function of F0t is argued that the function of F0 to substitute for VOT difference as a primary cue for the coding of laryngeal contrast can be predicted by the pitch accent system of the language involved.

주제어

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문제 정의

In this study, we investigated the production of Korean stops between different dialects of the language. Future work needs to test the perceptual relevance of the correlates we identified in each dialect and the degree to which they interact with each other in perception.

가설 설정

Our research questions in this study are as follows. First, what are the primary acoustic cues determining the three-way contrast of stops in Seoul Korean and in Yanbian Korean? Second, is there any diachronic VOT shift in stops in Yanbian Korean? Third, is F0 a correlate of the laryngeal contrast in Yanbian Korean stops? By conducting a production experiment among Seoul and Yanbian Korean speakers, we will investigate those questions and compare stops in Seoul and Yanbian Korean with respect to VOT shift and the function of F0.

제안 방법

Our research questions in this study are as follows. First, what are the primary acoustic cues determining the three-way contrast of stops in Seoul Korean and in Yanbian Korean? Second, is there any diachronic VOT shift in stops in Yanbian Korean? Third, is F0 a correlate of the laryngeal contrast in Yanbian Korean stops? By conducting a production experiment among Seoul and Yanbian Korean speakers, we will investigate those questions and compare stops in Seoul and Yanbian Korean with respect to VOT shift and the function of F0.
Given that Korean speakers from different generations may exhibit different acoustic realizations of stops, there is a need to conduct a phonetic study of stops as produced by a greater number of young Yanbian Korean speakers. In addition to doing so, this study also analyzes stop production by older Yanbian Korean speakers in order to compare stop VOT patterns between young and old speakers.
Yanbian Korean is tonal (Ito and Kenstowicz, 2009b). Then this study can deepen our understanding of the effect of pitch accent system on the acoustic correlates of stops.
This study investigated three acoustic cues in order to differentiate the typologically unusual three-way laryngeal contrast in Korean stops in terms of those cues. We compared three stop categories—tense, lenis, and aspirated—between Seoul Korean and Yanbian Korean with respect to VOT, F0, and H1*-H2*, and found that Seoul Korean speakers differ systematically from Yanbian Korean speakers in terms of the fine-grained phonetic implementation of these different stops.
To investigate Korean stops in Seoul and Yanbian Korean with respect to VOT shift and the function of F0, we analyze the production of Korean stops by 10 young Seoul Korean speakers and 10 young Yanbian Korean speakers. Silva (2006) suggests diachronic shift as an explanation for the VOT merger in Seoul Korean.

대상 데이터

A total of 26 speakers of Korean participated in this study: 10 Seoul Korean speakers in their 20s (five males and five females), ten Yanbian Korean speakers who were also in their 20s (five males and five females), and six older Yanbian Korean speakers in their 50s (three males and three females). All the Seoul Korean speakers were college students living in Seoul.
The utterances were digitally recorded as WAVE files. A total of 702 productions were collected (9 Korean words x 3 repetitions x 26 subjects). The recordings of the Seoul Korean speakers were made in a sound-attenuated room at Korea University in Seoul, and those for Yanbian Korean speakers, in a quiet room at Yanbian University in Yanji.
They usually spoke Korean in their daily lives, using Chinese only when talking with people who could not understand Korean. The parents of both the young and the old subjects were from Hamkyeung Bukdo Province in the eastern part of North Korea.
A total of 702 productions were collected (9 Korean words x 3 repetitions x 26 subjects). The recordings of the Seoul Korean speakers were made in a sound-attenuated room at Korea University in Seoul, and those for Yanbian Korean speakers, in a quiet room at Yanbian University in Yanji. The stimuli were analyzed using the software packages Praat (v.

데이터처리

F0 values at the 2/9 point of the vowels following stops in each of the three categories were examined by one-way ANOVA. We analyzed the data from male and female speakers separately, since absolute F0 values differ by gender.

성능/효과

Second, the major cue for distinguishing between the three stop categories differs between Seoul Korean and Yanbian Korean. In Seoul Korean, VOT and H1*-H2* do not differentiate lenis and aspirated stops, whereas F0 plays a crucial role.
000 in Yanbian Korean. Specifically, a post-hoc test of the one-way ANOVA results for each group showed that the VOT does not differentiate lenis and aspirated stops in Seoul Korean [F(2,266)=233.95, p=.38], while it does in Yanbian Korean [F(2,266)= 843.58, p=.000]. On the other hand, VOT differentiates lenis and tense stops in Seoul Korean [F(2,266)=233.
Third, it was found that F0 is a crucial cue in stop identification in Seoul Korean but only plays a limited role in Yanbian Korean. This study showed that F0 does not distinguish tense and lenis stops in Yanbian Korean as was found in previous studies (Kang and Han, 2012; Kim, 2009).
Thus, the results of this study support the second view—that F0 function, as a primary cue for stop identification, is correlated with whether the variety being investigated is tonal or non-tonal.

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