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What Can Taiwan (and the United States) Expect from Japan?

Journal of East Asian studies, v.5 no.1, 2005년, pp.1 - 34  

Noble, Gregory W.

Abstract ▼ AI-Helper 아이콘AI-Helper

In the 1990s and into the new century, increased Japanese sympathy toward Taiwan and antipathy toward mainland China led to a series of moves to improve treatment of Taiwan, including enhanced transportation links, a higher level and frequency of official contacts, posting of a military attach&eacut...

참고문헌 (76)

  1. Author interview, senior official in the Executive Yuan, April 2004. 

  2. Observe, for example, the following interchange during an April 20, 2001, press conference regarding the debates over issuing a visa to former president Lee Teng-hui: Q: Well, in relation to this visa issue, I understand that Japan has said in the Communiqué that it recognizes Beijing as the sole government of China. How does that relate to this visa issue? A: Ministry of Foreign Affairs Deputy Press Secretary Harada Chikahito: As you correctly referred to it, based on the 1972 Joint Communiqué between the Government of Japan and the Government of the People's Republic of China, Japan maintains exchanges with Taiwan of a private and regional nature as nongovernmental working relations. Available at http://www.mofa.go.jp/announce/press/2001/4/420.html#1 (accessed September 30, 2004). 

  3. American Asian Review “The Rise of the Information Technology Industry in China: A Formidable Challenge to Taiwan's Economy,” 20 124 2002 Chang 

  4. Japan-China Joint Declaration on Building a Partnership of Friendship and Cooperation for Peace and Development , November 28, 1998. 

  5. 10.1017/S1598240800004379 On power transition theory, see Schweller Randall L. , “Managing the Rise of Great Powers: History and Theory,” in Johnston and Ross , eds., Engaging China , pp. 1-31; cf. Haggard Stephan , “The Balance of Power, Globalization, and Democracy: International Relations Theory in Northeast Asia,” Journal of East Asian Studies 4, no. 1 (January-March 2004): 1-38. 

    상세보기 crossref

  6. Higashi Ajia Senryaku Gaikan [East Asian Strategic Review] 7 2004 

  7. New York Times , August 9, 2004. 

  8. Ziyou Shibao , July 22, 2002; Sankei, July 27, 2001. 

  9. Kang, David C.. Getting Asia Wrong: The Need for New Analytical Frameworks. International security, vol.27, no.4, 57-85.

    상세보기 crossref

  10. 10.2307/25563872 See, for example, Ziyou Shibao , July 22, 2002. 

    상세보기 crossref

  11. American Asian Review “The Buck Starts Here: Cross-Strait Economic Transactions and Taiwan's Domestic Politics,” 21 107 2003 Lee 

  12. Asahi Shinbun , November 14, 2003. 

  13. 10.1016/S0045-7906(03)00050-8 Author interview, September 29, 2003. 

    상세보기 crossref

  14. The DPJ Manifesto: Creating a Dynamic Japan, Towards a Secure Society , October 2003. 

  15. Among other sources, see their Japanese-language websites. 

  16. Kaiyou Kokka Nihon no Kousou: Sekai Chitsujo to Chiiki Chitsujo [Conceiving of Japan as a Maritime Nation: World and Regional Order] 2001 Ken'ichi 

  17. An advisory council report submitted to the prime minister to guide revisions to the National Defense Program Outline scheduled for the end of 2004 recommends a wider-ranging conception of possible threats to Japanese security and more intimate defense cooperation with the United States, but it remains cautious on China and Taiwan, each of which is mentioned only once, and emphasizes that “failure to achieve a peaceful resolution of conflicts over resource development and other problems in Japan's vicinity could have serious consequences for Japan's security.” The Council on Security and Defense Capabilities, “Anzen hoshou to boueiryoku ni kansuru kondankai' houkokusho-mirai e no anzen houshou/boueiryoku bijion” [The Council on Security and Defense Capabilities Report: Japan's Visions for Future Security and Defense Capabilities], October 2004, p. 64 (the original Japanese is on p. 4). Similarly, according to press leaks, a confidential Self-Defense Agency discussion paper written in September 2004 highlights potential threats to Japan from growing Chinese military capabilities and disputes over Taiwan and the Senkaku/Diayutai islands, but it also emphasizes the need for diplomatic efforts to avoid conflict with China. Kyodo News, November 8, 2004. 

  18. Engaging China: The Management of an Emerging Power 152 1999 Green 

  19. Joint Communiqué of the Government of Japan and the Government of the People's Republic of China , September 29, 1972. 

  20. Christensen, Thomas J.. China, the U.S.-Japan Alliance, and the Security Dilemma in East Asia. International security, vol.23, no.4, 49-80.

    상세보기 crossref

  21. O'Hanlon, Michael. Why China Cannot Conquer Taiwan. International security, vol.25, no.2, 51-86.

    상세보기 crossref

  22. On Reagan, see Mann , About Face , p. 127. 

  23. Medeiros, Evan S., Fravel, M. Taylor. China's New Diplomacy. Foreign affairs, vol.82, no.6, 22-.

    상세보기 crossref

  24. Hara, Kimie. 50 Years from San Francisco: Re-Examining the Peace Treaty and Japan's Territorial Problems. Pacific affairs, vol.74, no.3, 361-.

    상세보기 crossref

  25. This tight screening continued until the corporatization of the Japanese national universities in 2004, as I discovered from personal experience in 2003 and 2004. 

  26. Kankei Taigai Foosu Tasuku , “21 Seiki nihon gaikou no kihon senryaku: Arata na jidai, arata na bijion, arata na gaikou” [A Basic Strategy for Japanese Diplomacy in the Twenty-First Century: A New Age, a New Vision, a New Diplomacy], report issued to Prime Minister Koizumi by the External Affairs Task Force, November 28, 2002, p. 21. 

  27. “Nihonjin” no Kyoukai: Okinawa, Ainu, Taiwan, Chousen-Shokuminchi Shihai kara Fukki Undou Made [The Boundaries of the Japanese: Okinawa, Ainu, Taiwan, Korea from Colonial Rule to the Reversion Movement] 1998 Eiji 

  28. Indeed, a kokueki.com has appeared, complete with a video denouncing the Tokyo war crimes tribunal, denial of the Nanjing massacre and other war crimes, vociferous support for Taiwanese independence, and a quixotic call to boycott Chinese goods (http://www.kokueki.com [accessed August 12, 2004]). 

  29. Taipei Times , February 18, 2004. 

  30. Mainichi Shinbun , January 5, 2004. 

  31. Heginbotham, Eric, Samuels, Richard J.. Japan's Dual Hedge. Foreign affairs, vol.81, no.5, 110-.

    상세보기 crossref

  32. Ross, Robert S.. The Geography of the Peace: East Asia in the Twenty-first Century. International security, vol.23, no.4, 81-118.

    상세보기 crossref

  33. Internal government documents, 2003, supplemented by press accounts and interviews. 

  34. Bouei Kenkyuujo Kiyou “Higashi Ajia no Enerugii Jukyuu to Senryaku Kankyou e no Eikyou” [Energy Supply and Demand in East Asia and Their Influence on the Strategic Environment] 4 86 2001 Jun 

  35. Author interviews, Tokyo and Taipei, March-April 2004. 

  36. Name order follows the East Asian convention of surname first, then personal name, except for persons who adopt Western name order in publications, or whose names have become well established in the Western-language literature with personal name first. 

  37. New York Times , December 4, 2003. 

  38. Zhongguo Shibao , July 6, 2004. 

  39. Seikei Jaanaru , June 2004. 

  40. Taiwan's Presidential Politics 277 2001 Amae 

  41. Taipei , Central News Agency, January 10, 2003; see also Taiwan News, June 7, 2003. 

  42. American Asian Review “The Apology Issue: Japan's Differing Approaches Toward China and South Korea,” 20 31 2002 Er 

  43. Author interviews, March-April 2004; on Xu's predecessor's weak understanding of contemporary Taiwan, see Caixun , February 2004. 

  44. Keiojukusei Shinbun [Keio Student Newspaper], December 2002, available at http://www.jukushin.com/article/200212_17.html (accessed July 30, 2004) 

  45. Author interview with senior official in the Executive Yuan, April 2004; Bush , Cross Purposes , p. 217. 

  46. Jiyuuminshutou , Sara ni Susumeru Koizumi Kaikaku [Further Advancing the Koizumi Reforms], June 2004. 

  47. On the defense cooperation guidelines, see http://www.defenselink.mil/releases/1997/b09231997_bt50797b.html (accessed August 1, 2004). 

  48. See, for example, the sources in Amae , “Japan's Taiwan Policy,” n. 33. 

  49. Wang, Qingxin Ken. Taiwan in Japan's Relations with China and the United States after the Cold War. Pacific affairs, vol.73, no.3, 353-.

    상세보기 crossref

  50. Between Assimilation and Independence: The Taiwanese Encounter Nationalist China, 1945-1950 2003 10.1515/9781503620025 Phillips 

    crossref

  51. Yoshihide, S.. Taiwan in Japan's Security Considerations. The China quarterly, vol.165, 130-146.

    상세보기 crossref

  52. Chuugoku Taitou: Nihon wa nani o subeki ka [The Rise of China: What Should Japan Do?] 2003 Toshiya 

  53. At Cross Purposes: U.S.-Taiwan Relations Since 1942 85 2004 Bush 

  54. Bush , Cross Purposes , pp. 93, 107. 

  55. Bush , Cross Purposes , pp. 222-227. 

  56. Author interview with a Taiwan official involved in foreign affairs, March 2004; Nikkei , September 9, 2004. 

  57. Amae , “Japan's Taiwan Policy,” n. 11. 

  58. 10.3998/mpub.23550 

    crossref

  59. Nihon Keizai Shinbun , March 14, 2004; MOFA press release, “Kawaguchi gaimu daijin houchuu (nitchuu gaishou kaidan)” [Foreign Minister Kawaguchi Visits China (Talks Between the Japanese and Chinese Foreign Ministers)], April 3, 2004. 

  60. See http://www.interq.or.jp/tokyo/nakatsu/report-2004.html (accessed August 10, 2004). 

  61. Author's observation, March 2003. 

  62. Nihon Keizai Shinbun , July 6, 2004; Ziyou Shibao, July 7, 2004. 

  63. Masahiro Miyazaki , “Chuugoku-ka suru Taiwan, ‘Shinnichiha’ no Koutai to aidentiti no Chuuka-ka” [The China-ization of Taiwan: The Withdrawal of the “Pro-Japan Faction” and the Sinicization of Identity], Seiron (March 2003): 272-280. 

  64. Taiwan no Koe 3407, October 29, 2003. 

  65. Problematic Sovereignty: Contested Rules and Political Possibilities 182 2001 Madsen 

  66. The Regime of the Exclusive Economic Zone: Issues and Responses 2003 Valencia 

  67. East Asian Economic Regionalism 157 2004 Lincoln 

  68. Zhongguo Shibao 2003 

  69. Boueichou [Self-Defense Agency], Boei Hakusho [White Paper on Defense] (Tokyo, 2004). 

  70. Wan, Ming. TENSIONS IN RECENT SINO-JAPANESE RELATIONS. Asian survey, vol.43, no.5, 826-844.

    상세보기 crossref

  71. Sankei , August 27, 2002; Mainichi, September 16, 2002; “Mizuno Ken'ichi no shuchou ‘Taiwan houmon’ to no houdou ni tsuite” [on reports about Mizuno Ken'ichi's proposal to visit Taiwan], statement released August 12, 2002, available at http://www.catv296.ne.jp/~mizunokenichi/syutyoutaiwanhoumon.html (accessed August 10, 2004). 

  72. Taiwanshi [A History of Taiwan] 5 vols. 1998 Jialin 

  73. Kankou Hakusho [White Paper on Tourism], various years 1998 

  74. Zha, Daojiong. The Taiwan problem in Japan-China relations: An irritant or destroyer?. East Asia, vol.19, no.1, 205-224.

    상세보기 crossref

  75. A related claim is that the U.S. government does not oppose movement toward an independent Taiwan but merely refrains from supporting it. Statements by the Bush administration surrounding the failed referendum that accompanied the 2004 presidential election demonstrated, however, that, barring a momentous change of policy, the United States would lean against any serious efforts at irreversible alienation of Taiwan from the mainland, just as it opposes any attempt by the PRC to extend control over Taiwan by force or intimidation. During the visit of Chinese premier Wen Jiabao to Washington in December 2003, President Bush declared, “We oppose any unilateral decision by either China or Taiwan to change the status quo.” Financial Times, December 11, 2003. Domestic political considerations made the Bush administration reluctant to admit outright that it opposed Taiwanese independence, but it made its opposition clear, nonetheless. Washington Post , April 22, 2004. 

  76. Heginbotham and Samuels , “Japan's Dual Hedge.” 

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