[논문]Public Diplomacy and North Korea Policy: Diverging Effects of U.S. Messages in the United States and South Korea

Mo, Jongryn; Hahn, Kyu S.

doi:10.1017/S1598240800005749

Public Diplomacy and North Korea Policy: Diverging Effects of U.S. Messages in the United States and South Korea

Journal of East Asian studies, v.5 no.2, 2005년, pp.191 - 214

Mo, Jongryn , Hahn, Kyu S.

Abstract ▼ AI-Helper

The Bush administration has pursued a new, hard-line approach to the current nuclear standoff with North Korea. In efforts to build public support from the American public as well as from its allies in the region, the Bush administration has carefully framed, in distinctive ways, the nature of the crisis and the grounds for an appropriate response to North Korea's nuclear brinkmanship. To assess the effects of these U.S. messages designed to build public support for its hard-line approach, we conducted a short experimental study in the United States and in South Korea. Our results indicate that many of these messages induce diverging responses in the two countries, implying that the Bush administration's rhetoric designed to build domestic support does not have comparable effects in South Korea.

참고문헌 (38)

Gordon Michael R. , “U.S. Readies Plan to Raise Pressure on North Koreans,” New York Times, December 29, 2002.
Asian Studies Program Conference Report 2003 Steinberg
Nelson, Thomas E., Kinder, Donald R.. Issue Frames and Group-Centrism in American Public Opinion. The journal of politics, vol.58, no.4, 1055-1078.

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The UN Security Council passed Resolution 1441 on November 8, 2002.
House Karen Elliot , “The Lessons of North Korea: Appeasing a Tyrant Leads to Disaster,” Wall Street Journal, January 3, 2003.
We acknowledge, because we relied on a nonrepresentative sample, that we are not in a position to assess the generalizability of our findings. Arguably, however, our South Korean sample consists of participants who are most difficult to “persuade,” because young Koreans (including college students) hold relatively strong pro-North Korea (and anti-American) attitudes. Accordingly, it is worth noting that this is likely to create a downward bias in our estimates of framing effects, making it more difficult to find significant results. In any event, at least within the context of our experiment, by the logic of random assignment, we can attribute any postexposure group differences to the experimental treatment itself.
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In none of these courses was North Korea a central topic. American subjects were drawn from two courses on political economy. These courses focused on various political science applications of game theory analysis. South Korean subjects were drawn from two introductory-level political science courses at a large university in Pusan, South Korea. Given the topical features of these courses, little discussion about the North Korea nuclear problem took place. Therefore, it is unlikely that any course discussion interfered with the findings featured in this study.
In presenting this argument, however, the Bush administration has not made much use of North Korea's previous failures to live up to its tough rhetoric. Admiral Joy, chief UN negotiator during the armistice negotiations in the Korean War, noting that North Koreans made concessions when they lacked power to resist, commented that “force was a decisive factor, the only logic the communists truly understand.”
Gottemoeller Rose , “A Deal That Worked,” New York Times, April 26, 2003.
We asked the following two questions: (1) “How strongly do you agree or disagree with the following statement? If the United States (South Korea) decides to negotiate with North Korea, the United States (South Korea) should make it clear that it is willing to impose sanctions and isolation on North Korea.” (2) “How strongly do you agree or disagree with the following statement? If the United States (South Korea) decides to negotiate with North Korea, the United States (South Korea) should make it clear that it is willing to use force against North Korea.”
Dorussen, Han, Mo, Jongryn. Ending Economic Sanctions : Audience Costs and Rent-Seeking as Commitment Strategies. The Journal of conflict resolution, vol.45, no.4, 395-426.

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The length of the five articles was kept nearly identical; it ranged from 300 to 327 words.
The questions were worded as follows: (1) “How much do you agree or disagree with the following statement? The current North Korean nuclear crisis posits a serious threat to the security in East Asia”; (2) “How much do you agree or disagree with the following statement? The current North Korean nuclear crisis calls for an immediate action.”
The question was worded as follows: “How much do you agree or disagree with the following statement? The U.S. and South Korea share common interests with respect to the current North Korean nuclear crisis.”
This difference was statistically significant at p < .01 in a paired t-test.
Beggs, S., Cardell, S., Hausman, J.. Assessing the potential demand for electric cars. Journal of econometrics, vol.17, no.1, 1-19.

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We indeed found that the security message did make South Korean subjects feel more urgency. But this apparently led them to believe that even more dovish measures ought to be employed to resolve the conflict in a timely manner.
Jacoby , “Issue Framing and Public Opinion on Government Spending.”
10.7208/chicago/9780226388533.001.0001
It ought to be noted that we replicated all our findings based on respondents' absolute policy support by taking an alternative analytical approach. We modeled respondents' absolute support for the five policy alternatives in a seemingly unrelated regression (SUR) model. Substantively, our results remained unaltered from those reported here. For brevity, we omit these results from this report.
Cha, Victor D.. Korea's Place in the Axis. Foreign affairs, vol.81, no.3, 79-.

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In support of this view, we found that, inferring from “feeling thermometer” ratings, the humanitarian message significantly lowered their favorable attitudes toward both North Korea and Kim Jong Il.
Halloran Richard , “Korean Surprise,” Baltimore Sun, April 3, 2003.
10.7208/chicago/9780226293660.001.0001
In terms of policy goals, one major disagreement is whether future policies must focus primarily on eliminating weapons of mass destruction from the Korean peninsula or on avoiding military conflict in the Korean peninsula. Accordingly, we employed the following two measures to capture this core dimension in the current debate: How strongly do you agree or disagree with the following statements? (1) “It is important that North Korea give up nuclear weapons”; and (2) “Even if North Korea possesses nuclear weapons, it is important to avoid a military conflict with North Korea.”
Orne, Martin T.. On the social psychology of the psychological experiment: With particular reference to demand characteristics and their implications.. The American psychologist, vol.17, no.11, 776-783.

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Segye Ilbo, June 3, 2003.
For example, Steinberg , “Korean Attitudes Towards the United States.” Also see Moon Katharine , “Korean Nationalism, Anti-Americanism, and Democratic Consolidation,” in Kim Samuel S. , ed., Korea's Democratization (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003).
For example, Gamson , Talking Politics.

표제어: PCR

동의어: Packet Collision Rate

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Public Diplomacy and North Korea Policy: Diverging Effects of U.S. Messages in the United States and South Korea

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참고문헌 (38)

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