This dissertation deals with a diachronic study of diphthongs such as /∂y/, /ay/, /iy/, /Λy/, /oy/, /uy/ after the 15th century, and the results may be summaried as below : 1. Phonological Rules which were related to falling diphthongs (1) Neuraliation Rule : /y/ in the falling diphthong has a function to neutralie the followint back vowel in the rule of vowel assimilation. i.e. /kuyk-Λ lo/ ~ /kuyk-ilo/ However, this rule can only be applied to the ...
This dissertation deals with a diachronic study of diphthongs such as /∂y/, /ay/, /iy/, /Λy/, /oy/, /uy/ after the 15th century, and the results may be summaried as below : 1. Phonological Rules which were related to falling diphthongs (1) Neuraliation Rule : /y/ in the falling diphthong has a function to neutralie the followint back vowel in the rule of vowel assimilation. i.e. /kuyk-Λ lo/ ~ /kuyk-ilo/ However, this rule can only be applied to the Middle Korean. (2) Rule of Glide Formation : -cons ◁수식 삽입▷(원문을 참조하세요) (3) Rule of Regressive /y/ Addition : ◁수식 삽입▷(원문을 참조하세요) Rule (2) can be replaced by Rule (3). (4) Rule of Progressive /y/ Assimilation : This occurred in some vocabularies, as an individual rule e.g., /koy-yo-ha-ta/(괴요하다)>/ko-yo-ha-ta/(고요하다)/kuy-t∂_ki/(귀더기)>/ku-t∂_ki∂(구더기) (2) Syllable Redivision. One syllable is redivided into two when the glide /y/ has a feature [+syll] This largely happens in /oy/>/o/+/i/ const겨ction. e.g., /koy-ta/(괴다)>/ko-i-ta/(고이다) (3) Vowel Fronting a. This happens when a back vowel (i.e. [+back]) becomes a front vowel (i.e., [-back]). b. This can be due to the regressive assimilation of the determinant /i/ or /y/ c. This also happens when the determinant /i/ or /y/, which has a relatively weaker degree of sonority, is deleted: ay>εy>ε^(y)>ε ∂y>ey>e^(y)>e oy>o¨y>o¨^(y)>o¨ uy>u¨y>u¨^(y)>u¨ 3. The change of falling diphthongs (1) /Λy/ a. /Λy/>/iy/ : This usually occurred after the second syllabe (15th century-the end of the 16th century). e.g., /sy∂n_pΛy/ > /sy∂n_piy/ b. /Λy/>/ay/ : This usually occurred in syllable initial posistion (17th century-the beginning of the 18th century). e.g., /mΛy_ya_ci/jmay_ya_cij (2) /yi/ a. cons+/iy/>/i/ : This change began in the 17th century and completed at the beginning of the 20th century. e.g., /i-miy/>/i_mi/ b. /iy/ : This has been maintained until today (3) /∂y/ a. it is presumed that /y∂/ has been in the system of vowels as an allophone or diaphone of [y∂] or [ye] long since b. In general, it is assumed that (ㅔ) and (ㅐ) were used interchangeably at the end of the 18th century because of their closeness of the phonetic ragne. e.g., /i-ce/(이제) /i-cε/(이□) c. The mixed transcriptions of (ㅔ)…>(ㅔ) were shown at the end of the 18th century. e.g., /ky□_cip/(계집)…>/ke-cip/(게집) d. /ye-su/(예수) and /a-men/(아멘) in 's∂ŋ_ky∂ŋ_cik_hε_kyaŋ_ik'(성경직□광익), which was written at the beginning of the 19th century, were transcribed as [yesu] and [amen], respectively. Based on (3a-3d), it can be postulated that the change of /∂y/>/e/ was occurred at the end of the 18th century (4) ay/ Based on (3b), it can be postulated that the change of /ay/>/ε/ was occurred at the end of the 18th century. (5) /oy/ a. /oy/>/o/ + /i/ : This was shown at the end of the 18th century in some vocabulary items. e.g. /poy-ta/(뵈다)>/po-i-ta/(보이다) b. /oy/>/we/ : In the 19th century, this happened in word initial position or after some consonats. e.g., /koy/(괴)>/kwe/(궤) c. /oy/>/we/>/e/ : This usually occurred after labial consonants in the 19th century. e.g., /moy/(뫼)>/me/(메) (6) /uy/ a. /uy/>/iy/>/i/ : This occurred after labial consonats. The change began in the 17th century and completed in the 19th century. e.g. /puy/(뷔다)>/piy_ta(��다)>/pi-ta/(비다) b. /#uy/>/wi/~/Чi/ : This occurred in the 19th century. ◁수식 삽입▷(원문을 참조하세요) The rules in (2-4) apparently began to collapse after the 18th century 2. Monophthongiation of the falling diphthongs (1) Deletion of Vowel /y/ as a non-syllabic constituent c. cons+/uy/>/Чi/>/u¨/ : The change of /uy/ into /u¨/, which was usually shown in the environment of [+cons]([+cor]), also occurred in the 19th century. 4. Diachronic characteristics of Umlaut Due to the vowel fronting, Rule (a) can be replaced by Rule (b) : Rule (a) : ◁수식 삽입▷(원문을 참조하세요) Rule (b) : ◁수식 삽입▷(원문을 참조하세요)
This dissertation deals with a diachronic study of diphthongs such as /∂y/, /ay/, /iy/, /Λy/, /oy/, /uy/ after the 15th century, and the results may be summaried as below : 1. Phonological Rules which were related to falling diphthongs (1) Neuraliation Rule : /y/ in the falling diphthong has a function to neutralie the followint back vowel in the rule of vowel assimilation. i.e. /kuyk-Λ lo/ ~ /kuyk-ilo/ However, this rule can only be applied to the Middle Korean. (2) Rule of Glide Formation : -cons ◁수식 삽입▷(원문을 참조하세요) (3) Rule of Regressive /y/ Addition : ◁수식 삽입▷(원문을 참조하세요) Rule (2) can be replaced by Rule (3). (4) Rule of Progressive /y/ Assimilation : This occurred in some vocabularies, as an individual rule e.g., /koy-yo-ha-ta/(괴요하다)>/ko-yo-ha-ta/(고요하다)/kuy-t∂_ki/(귀더기)>/ku-t∂_ki∂(구더기) (2) Syllable Redivision. One syllable is redivided into two when the glide /y/ has a feature [+syll] This largely happens in /oy/>/o/+/i/ const겨ction. e.g., /koy-ta/(괴다)>/ko-i-ta/(고이다) (3) Vowel Fronting a. This happens when a back vowel (i.e. [+back]) becomes a front vowel (i.e., [-back]). b. This can be due to the regressive assimilation of the determinant /i/ or /y/ c. This also happens when the determinant /i/ or /y/, which has a relatively weaker degree of sonority, is deleted: ay>εy>ε^(y)>ε ∂y>ey>e^(y)>e oy>o¨y>o¨^(y)>o¨ uy>u¨y>u¨^(y)>u¨ 3. The change of falling diphthongs (1) /Λy/ a. /Λy/>/iy/ : This usually occurred after the second syllabe (15th century-the end of the 16th century). e.g., /sy∂n_pΛy/ > /sy∂n_piy/ b. /Λy/>/ay/ : This usually occurred in syllable initial posistion (17th century-the beginning of the 18th century). e.g., /mΛy_ya_ci/jmay_ya_cij (2) /yi/ a. cons+/iy/>/i/ : This change began in the 17th century and completed at the beginning of the 20th century. e.g., /i-miy/>/i_mi/ b. /iy/ : This has been maintained until today (3) /∂y/ a. it is presumed that /y∂/ has been in the system of vowels as an allophone or diaphone of [y∂] or [ye] long since b. In general, it is assumed that (ㅔ) and (ㅐ) were used interchangeably at the end of the 18th century because of their closeness of the phonetic ragne. e.g., /i-ce/(이제) /i-cε/(이□) c. The mixed transcriptions of (ㅔ)…>(ㅔ) were shown at the end of the 18th century. e.g., /ky□_cip/(계집)…>/ke-cip/(게집) d. /ye-su/(예수) and /a-men/(아멘) in 's∂ŋ_ky∂ŋ_cik_hε_kyaŋ_ik'(성경직□광익), which was written at the beginning of the 19th century, were transcribed as [yesu] and [amen], respectively. Based on (3a-3d), it can be postulated that the change of /∂y/>/e/ was occurred at the end of the 18th century (4) ay/ Based on (3b), it can be postulated that the change of /ay/>/ε/ was occurred at the end of the 18th century. (5) /oy/ a. /oy/>/o/ + /i/ : This was shown at the end of the 18th century in some vocabulary items. e.g. /poy-ta/(뵈다)>/po-i-ta/(보이다) b. /oy/>/we/ : In the 19th century, this happened in word initial position or after some consonats. e.g., /koy/(괴)>/kwe/(궤) c. /oy/>/we/>/e/ : This usually occurred after labial consonants in the 19th century. e.g., /moy/(뫼)>/me/(메) (6) /uy/ a. /uy/>/iy/>/i/ : This occurred after labial consonats. The change began in the 17th century and completed in the 19th century. e.g. /puy/(뷔다)>/piy_ta(��다)>/pi-ta/(비다) b. /#uy/>/wi/~/Чi/ : This occurred in the 19th century. ◁수식 삽입▷(원문을 참조하세요) The rules in (2-4) apparently began to collapse after the 18th century 2. Monophthongiation of the falling diphthongs (1) Deletion of Vowel /y/ as a non-syllabic constituent c. cons+/uy/>/Чi/>/u¨/ : The change of /uy/ into /u¨/, which was usually shown in the environment of [+cons]([+cor]), also occurred in the 19th century. 4. Diachronic characteristics of Umlaut Due to the vowel fronting, Rule (a) can be replaced by Rule (b) : Rule (a) : ◁수식 삽입▷(원문을 참조하세요) Rule (b) : ◁수식 삽입▷(원문을 참조하세요)
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