성소수자는 비가시성과 그를 가중시키는 차별로 인해 사회에서 그 존재가 드러나지 않고 있다가, 90년대에 이르러서야 한국사회에서 그 존재가 인지되기 시작됐다. 2007년 차별금지법 제정 논의를 시작으로 공공의 영역에서 조직적인 혐오세력에 의한 성소수자에 대한 혐오표현 문제가 나타났다. 이러한 혐오표현은 기존의 차별을 강화시키고 성소수자의 기본권을 제약하며, 특히 성소수자의 표현의 자유를 제약하고 있다. 본 논문은 성소수자의 표현의 자유에 ...
성소수자는 비가시성과 그를 가중시키는 차별로 인해 사회에서 그 존재가 드러나지 않고 있다가, 90년대에 이르러서야 한국사회에서 그 존재가 인지되기 시작됐다. 2007년 차별금지법 제정 논의를 시작으로 공공의 영역에서 조직적인 혐오세력에 의한 성소수자에 대한 혐오표현 문제가 나타났다. 이러한 혐오표현은 기존의 차별을 강화시키고 성소수자의 기본권을 제약하며, 특히 성소수자의 표현의 자유를 제약하고 있다. 본 논문은 성소수자의 표현의 자유에 대한 헌법적 검토를 시도한다. 논문의 구성은 총 5장으로 이루어져 그 중 서론과 결론을 제외한 세 개의 장이 본문이다. 전체적인 흐름은 성 소수자의 차별받는 현실을 검토해 보고 이에 있어서 성소수자에 대한 혐오표현이 성 소수자의 어떠한 기본권을 침해하는지, 또 그에 대한 대응은 무엇인지 살펴본다. 이 중 대응이 부재한 성소수자의 표현의 자유의 제한에 대한 대응책으로 소수자정치할당제의 실현가능성을 연구하는 순서로 이루어진다. 제2장에서는 소수자와 성소수자의 개념과 다양한 정체성, 비가시성을 살펴본다. 성적지향이나 성별정체성을 이유로 성소수자가 차별받는 현실의 모습을 확인하고 이러한 차별적 현실의 배경인 성소수자에 대한 편견과 고정관념이 혐오표현으로 인해 만들어지는 관계를 밝힌다. 이어서 제3장에서는 성소수자에 대한 혐오표현의 개념과 사례를 중심으로 한 현황을 살펴보고 이러한 혐오표현이 성소수자의 기본권에 어떠한 제약을 가져오는지 확인한다. 각각의 기본권의 제약에 대한 대응을 살펴보고 그 중 성소수자의 표현의 자유에 대한 제약에 대한 구체적인 대응이 부재함을 확인해 본다. 제4장에서는 성소수자의 표현의 자유의 의미와 이를 보완하기 위한 제도적 방안으로서 정치할당제를 제시한다. 이를 위해 기존의 여성정치할당제를 검토하고 소수자정치할당제의 모습을 고안해 본다.
성소수자는 비가시성과 그를 가중시키는 차별로 인해 사회에서 그 존재가 드러나지 않고 있다가, 90년대에 이르러서야 한국사회에서 그 존재가 인지되기 시작됐다. 2007년 차별금지법 제정 논의를 시작으로 공공의 영역에서 조직적인 혐오세력에 의한 성소수자에 대한 혐오표현 문제가 나타났다. 이러한 혐오표현은 기존의 차별을 강화시키고 성소수자의 기본권을 제약하며, 특히 성소수자의 표현의 자유를 제약하고 있다. 본 논문은 성소수자의 표현의 자유에 대한 헌법적 검토를 시도한다. 논문의 구성은 총 5장으로 이루어져 그 중 서론과 결론을 제외한 세 개의 장이 본문이다. 전체적인 흐름은 성 소수자의 차별받는 현실을 검토해 보고 이에 있어서 성소수자에 대한 혐오표현이 성 소수자의 어떠한 기본권을 침해하는지, 또 그에 대한 대응은 무엇인지 살펴본다. 이 중 대응이 부재한 성소수자의 표현의 자유의 제한에 대한 대응책으로 소수자정치할당제의 실현가능성을 연구하는 순서로 이루어진다. 제2장에서는 소수자와 성소수자의 개념과 다양한 정체성, 비가시성을 살펴본다. 성적지향이나 성별정체성을 이유로 성소수자가 차별받는 현실의 모습을 확인하고 이러한 차별적 현실의 배경인 성소수자에 대한 편견과 고정관념이 혐오표현으로 인해 만들어지는 관계를 밝힌다. 이어서 제3장에서는 성소수자에 대한 혐오표현의 개념과 사례를 중심으로 한 현황을 살펴보고 이러한 혐오표현이 성소수자의 기본권에 어떠한 제약을 가져오는지 확인한다. 각각의 기본권의 제약에 대한 대응을 살펴보고 그 중 성소수자의 표현의 자유에 대한 제약에 대한 구체적인 대응이 부재함을 확인해 본다. 제4장에서는 성소수자의 표현의 자유의 의미와 이를 보완하기 위한 제도적 방안으로서 정치할당제를 제시한다. 이를 위해 기존의 여성정치할당제를 검토하고 소수자정치할당제의 모습을 고안해 본다.
Freedom of speech is not only a precondition for all basic human rights but also a way of manifesting personality; furthermore, the freedom of speech is an essential rights in democracy. In addition, freedom of speech carries a significant meaning to minorities since it historically provided a basis...
Freedom of speech is not only a precondition for all basic human rights but also a way of manifesting personality; furthermore, the freedom of speech is an essential rights in democracy. In addition, freedom of speech carries a significant meaning to minorities since it historically provided a basis for minorities in acquiring their own rights against hierarchs. However, sexual minorities’ freedom of speech is not fully guaranteed in this democratic society where the freedom of speech is truly needed. Sexual minorities, especially, could not be revealed in the society due to their invisibility and discrimination which makes them in silent. In the ‘90s, Korea society began to be aware of their existence. Hate speech towards sexual minorities, a recently emerging issue, aggravates existing discrimination and constricts sexual minorities’ freedom of speech. At this point, it is necessary to examine freedom of speech of sexual minorities from a constitutional perspective. This treatise is organized in 5 chapters including introduction, conclusion, and 3 bodies. Roughly, this treatise examines the reality of society which discriminates sexual minorities; in addition, aggrieved basic human rights of sexual minorities by hate speech and counteractions are examined. After then, a study on the possibility of realizing a political quota for minorities as a countermeasure against constraints of sexual minorities’ freedom of speech is following. In the second chapter, definition of minorities and sexual minorities and categorizing the types of them are arranged before arguing fullfledged discussion. Also, sexual minorities’ distinctive characteristic, invisibility, which differentiates them from other types of minorities is examined. It is difficult to notice one’s sexual orientation unless it is exposed voluntarily. The reason why sexual minorities are so-called ‘invisible’ is social disregard towards their existence as well as concealment of themselves. This invisibility is significant to examine with sexual minorities’ freedom of speech. On the basis of these arguments, examining the social reality which sexual minorities are discriminated is following as the discriminative reality, ‘prejudice and stereotype towards sexual minorities’, is caused by hate speech. In the third chapter, concepts, features, and a current state of hate speech towards sexual minorities are reviewed; also, examining the restrictions on sexual minorities’ basic human rights by hate speech is following. In this treatise, restricted human rights of sexual minorities are including ‘freedom of speech’ as well as personality rights and equality rights. Invisibility, sexual minorities’ distinctive characteristic, is intensified by hate speech. Sexual minorities are recognized that they could be a target of attack or discrimination whenever by hate speech towards them. For this reason, they are not able to expose their identity that composing important part of personality; moreover, they cannot realize their rights, freedom of speech, and conceal themselves in the society. An issue regarding hate speech in Korea emerges recently, however, issues about legal regulations on abused personality rights and equality rights by hate speech has been argued. About this, legal actions such as criminal sanction, civil sanction, and mediation or arbitration can be possible. Comparably, there are lack of specific measures for restricted sexual minorities’ freedom speech. Also, legal actions against personality rights and equality rights mentioned above are possible on a personal level; however, a collective level ?in other words, hate speech expresses towards not an individual but a group of minority - doesn’t have sufficient legal actions compared to that of personal level. To compensate this defect, institutional measures should be suggested to complement a hindrance to sexual minorities’ freedom of speech An irrational prejudice and stereotypes resulted from the hate speech become a root of discrimination and result in the hate speech again. This vicious circle must be broken by sexual minorities’ freedom of speech, by themselves. In the fourth chapter, the political quota is suggested as an institutional improvement for supplementing freedom of speech of sexual minorities. The constitutional bases of political quota as an affirmative action can be generally found at the equality rights. However, this treatise proposes the possibility of finding constitutional bases of political quota at the freedom of speech. Sexual minorities as well as other groups of minorities cannot express enough their groups’ interest and it leads minorities to be excluded from political process. For these reasons, reforming this political problem situation should be preceded for fundamental renovation of the discriminative reality. To suggest the political quota specifically, effects and criticism of existing women’s political quota are examined and possibility of fulfilling minorities’ political quota are suggested based on the comparison.
Freedom of speech is not only a precondition for all basic human rights but also a way of manifesting personality; furthermore, the freedom of speech is an essential rights in democracy. In addition, freedom of speech carries a significant meaning to minorities since it historically provided a basis for minorities in acquiring their own rights against hierarchs. However, sexual minorities’ freedom of speech is not fully guaranteed in this democratic society where the freedom of speech is truly needed. Sexual minorities, especially, could not be revealed in the society due to their invisibility and discrimination which makes them in silent. In the ‘90s, Korea society began to be aware of their existence. Hate speech towards sexual minorities, a recently emerging issue, aggravates existing discrimination and constricts sexual minorities’ freedom of speech. At this point, it is necessary to examine freedom of speech of sexual minorities from a constitutional perspective. This treatise is organized in 5 chapters including introduction, conclusion, and 3 bodies. Roughly, this treatise examines the reality of society which discriminates sexual minorities; in addition, aggrieved basic human rights of sexual minorities by hate speech and counteractions are examined. After then, a study on the possibility of realizing a political quota for minorities as a countermeasure against constraints of sexual minorities’ freedom of speech is following. In the second chapter, definition of minorities and sexual minorities and categorizing the types of them are arranged before arguing fullfledged discussion. Also, sexual minorities’ distinctive characteristic, invisibility, which differentiates them from other types of minorities is examined. It is difficult to notice one’s sexual orientation unless it is exposed voluntarily. The reason why sexual minorities are so-called ‘invisible’ is social disregard towards their existence as well as concealment of themselves. This invisibility is significant to examine with sexual minorities’ freedom of speech. On the basis of these arguments, examining the social reality which sexual minorities are discriminated is following as the discriminative reality, ‘prejudice and stereotype towards sexual minorities’, is caused by hate speech. In the third chapter, concepts, features, and a current state of hate speech towards sexual minorities are reviewed; also, examining the restrictions on sexual minorities’ basic human rights by hate speech is following. In this treatise, restricted human rights of sexual minorities are including ‘freedom of speech’ as well as personality rights and equality rights. Invisibility, sexual minorities’ distinctive characteristic, is intensified by hate speech. Sexual minorities are recognized that they could be a target of attack or discrimination whenever by hate speech towards them. For this reason, they are not able to expose their identity that composing important part of personality; moreover, they cannot realize their rights, freedom of speech, and conceal themselves in the society. An issue regarding hate speech in Korea emerges recently, however, issues about legal regulations on abused personality rights and equality rights by hate speech has been argued. About this, legal actions such as criminal sanction, civil sanction, and mediation or arbitration can be possible. Comparably, there are lack of specific measures for restricted sexual minorities’ freedom speech. Also, legal actions against personality rights and equality rights mentioned above are possible on a personal level; however, a collective level ?in other words, hate speech expresses towards not an individual but a group of minority - doesn’t have sufficient legal actions compared to that of personal level. To compensate this defect, institutional measures should be suggested to complement a hindrance to sexual minorities’ freedom of speech An irrational prejudice and stereotypes resulted from the hate speech become a root of discrimination and result in the hate speech again. This vicious circle must be broken by sexual minorities’ freedom of speech, by themselves. In the fourth chapter, the political quota is suggested as an institutional improvement for supplementing freedom of speech of sexual minorities. The constitutional bases of political quota as an affirmative action can be generally found at the equality rights. However, this treatise proposes the possibility of finding constitutional bases of political quota at the freedom of speech. Sexual minorities as well as other groups of minorities cannot express enough their groups’ interest and it leads minorities to be excluded from political process. For these reasons, reforming this political problem situation should be preceded for fundamental renovation of the discriminative reality. To suggest the political quota specifically, effects and criticism of existing women’s political quota are examined and possibility of fulfilling minorities’ political quota are suggested based on the comparison.
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