초록 ▼

Ⅰ. 서론 및 선행연구 검토
○ 본 연구는 청년층의 생애전망에 대한 젠더분석에 기반하여 당사자 관점에 부합하는 새로운 저출산 대응정책 패러다임을 제시하는 것을 목표로 함. 본 연구는 2차년도로 기획된 연구의 전반부로써 청년층의 생애전망과 정책인식에 대한 실태 연구와 정책진단을 중심으로 분석하였음. ‘청년’은 최근 정책들에서 연령 상한을 높여 정의하는 경향이있으며 가장 길게는 39세까지로 정의하고 있어, 본 연구에서도 청년층을 연령으로 조작적 정의를 할 경우 만 20~39세 연령대로 정의함.
○ 기존 연구들에서 최근의 청년

Ⅰ. 서론 및 선행연구 검토
○ 본 연구는 청년층의 생애전망에 대한 젠더분석에 기반하여 당사자 관점에 부합하는 새로운 저출산 대응정책 패러다임을 제시하는 것을 목표로 함. 본 연구는 2차년도로 기획된 연구의 전반부로써 청년층의 생애전망과 정책인식에 대한 실태 연구와 정책진단을 중심으로 분석하였음. ‘청년’은 최근 정책들에서 연령 상한을 높여 정의하는 경향이있으며 가장 길게는 39세까지로 정의하고 있어, 본 연구에서도 청년층을 연령으로 조작적 정의를 할 경우 만 20~39세 연령대로 정의함.
○ 기존 연구들에서 최근의 청년세대는 경쟁에서의 ‘생존’ 자체가 목표가 된 세대(김홍중, 2009)로 자주 언급되지만, 계층별, 지역별 차이도 목격됨(정수남 외, 2012; 최종렬, 2017). 최근의 청년세대에서 나타나는 가장 큰 변화 중 하나는 젠더 측면의 변화로 보이며, 과거 ‘남성의 노동중심 생애과정과 여성의 가족중심 생애과정’이 해체되고 남녀 모두 ‘노동중심 생애과정’을 중요한 생애전망으로 고려하는 경향을 보임(이순미, 2014).그러나 이러한 ‘개인화’된 생애전망을 뒷받침하는 제도적 기반이 충분하지 않다면, 청년세대, 특히 청년 여성들은 ‘스스로 알아서 해야 하는’(김영･황정미, 2013) 상황에서 출산결정을 바꾸지 않을 가능성이 높음(김영미, 2016a).
○ 본 연구는 이러한 기존 연구내용을 양적, 질적 자료를 통해 뒷받침하고 확장하기 위한 다양한 방법론을 채택하였음. 연구는 크게 네 부분으로 이루어짐. 첫째, ‘인구총조사’, ‘경제활동인구조사’, ‘사회조사’를 통해 노동시장참여와 가족형성에서의 청년기 변화추이를 확인하였음. 둘째,청년층에 대한 집단초점인터뷰(FGI)를 통해 졸업과 취업, 결혼과 자녀출산 등 ‘청년기’ 이행과 관련된 과업들에 대한 청년들의 생각과 향후 생애전망, 관련 정책 등에 관한 의견을 청취하였음. 셋째, 청년층의 생애기획과 가족구성에 대한 대규모 실태조사를 실시하여 분석하였음.넷째, 마지막으로 ‘제3차 저출산･고령사회기본계획’(대한민국 정부, 2015) 및 ‘수정판 제3차 저출산･고령사회기본계획’(저출산고령사회위원회･보건복지부, 2019)의 정책담론을 비교분석하고, 본 연구의 결과를 종합하여 정책방향을 제언함.

(출처 : 연구요약 6p)

Abstract ▼

This study is based on a gender analysis of the life perspective of youth to present a new policy response paradigm for lowbirthrates corresponding to the youth’s perspective. This study is the first half of a two-year research plan that deals withinvestigative studies and policy diagnoses on the li

This study is based on a gender analysis of the life perspective of youth to present a new policy response paradigm for lowbirthrates corresponding to the youth’s perspective. This study is the first half of a two-year research plan that deals withinvestigative studies and policy diagnoses on the life perspective of youth and their policy perceptions. The primary focus of thisstudy can be summarized as:

First, the Presidential Committee on Aging Society and Population Policy amended its third basic plan for low birthrates and an aging society by confirming a modified version of the planin February 2019. An analysis is of the discourse shows that the basic plan before its amendment claimed that an inadequate workforce (due to demographic changes) called for an increase inbirthrates by individuals getting married and having children, thus achieving a total fertility rate needed for a healthy society .
However, this discourse does not include the choices and wishesof women who bear the primary responsibility of giving birth to and raising children. Conversely, the post-amendment basic plandoes not envision a simplistic life perspective that assumes employment, marriage, and childbirth, but instead accommodatesmore diverse life courses and seems to succeed in achieving a certain paradigm shift. There is still a limitation in its inability to escape demographic paradigms as the title of the plan is “Plan forAging Society and Population.”

Second, through an analysis of social surveys, such as the National Statistics Office’s Population and Housing Census and Economically Active Population Survey, this study explored transformations that youths exhibit in labor market participation and family formation. The results showed that the employment rateof the youth in their 20s and 30s far exceeds the marriage life tableamong those in the same age group. In other words, while young people in their 20s and 30s may have a normal disposition toward work, there is a rising possibility that this generation’s disposition toward marriage is not normal. Also, the ratio of both young men and women who agree with traditional norms concerning marriageor the gender division of labor is significantly decreasing.

Third, this study conducted focus group interviews with 40 individuals in their 20s and 30s concerning youth. In the lives of the youth who participated in the interview, “Myself” was the most important unit in employment, work experience, intimacy with partner, and family formation. The life course among this group primarily operated within an individualization framework.
However, there were some differences between gender in expecting their own life stories that have “me-centered” perspective through the life stages. Among female participants, those who were preparing for employment said that employment was the most important item in their lives within the next tenyears, and female workers exhibited significant interest in “financial independence and wealth formation.” Female participants took individualized work experience as a given and were acutely aware of the fact that existing family norms could be threatening elements to their lives. The majority of femalesdemonstrated a demeanor that prioritized work above marriage,and they found it difficult to think about children even if theywere to marry. Furthermore, most females considered themselvesnon-maritalism. Conversely, males exhibit individualized strategies that leans toward survival in economic life and surviving in a competitive job market. Unlike female participants in the same age group, male university students and graduates preparing for jobs think that it would be natural to get married and raisechildren following getting a stable job. Males did not havealternatives to the existing marriage and dating culture, and they held an ambiguous expectation that their current situation, in which they “want to date but things aren’t going well,” would improve if they were to succeed in employment and gainingstability in their lives.

Fourth, approximately 6,500 youths in their 20s and 30s were surveyed to verify life perspectives surrounding work and family.
The primary focus of the survey can be summarized as: Female youth, especially females in their 20s, consider a work-orientedlife course to be more important than a family-focused life course.
However, this life course is not easy to thoroughly realize in Korean society. When entering the labor market, females have low opportunities for career growth and a high chance of ending up with marginal jobs. If they have children, the divide between men and women in work standards will inevitably widen. Accordingly, females think that equal partnership is the important prerequisite for marriage and having children. Males, however, do not have such a proactive life course regarding equal relationships, and thus, the equal partnership females want may be difficult in reality to materialize. Young females feel gender discrimination and misogyny chronic in Korean society and recognize that the family-oriented life course in Korean society can threaten a labor life course. Accordingly, when compared to men of the same age, young females do not want to marry and have children, and thistendency is stronger among women in their 20s than those in their 30s. However, males are overwhelmingly in support of a model in which both males and females work instead of only males work inorder to support their family. There is also increased agreementthat males should participate in child-rearing and use paternity leave. Thus, before a gender-egalitarian transformation takes place in society at large, there is a significant possibility thatfemales will not easily change their minds around childbirth. One could say that individuals in the new generation have the task ofcreating equal partnerships. Social policies for this new generationare faced with the task of creating a political, normativefoundation on which a labor-oriented life course can be realized.

Based on this discussion, this study presents the following policy directions in consideration of the quality of life and gender equality. First, there is a need for a transformation from the male breadwinner model to a model in which both males and females work and care for the family. Second, we must reform policy directions on which the simplistic life course of employment leading to marriage and childbirth is based, and allow various partnerships and intimacy to receive equal treatment. Third, we must recognize the danger of policy responses to childbirth that look at female bodies as the belly to produce children. Fourth, there is a need to transform policy directions so that support is given to families when the first child is born, instead of givingsupport only after a second child is born.

(출처 : Abstract 409p)

목차 Contents

• 표지 ... 1
• 발간사 ... 4
• 연구요약 ... 6
• 목차 ... 40
• 표목차 ... 43
• 그림목차 ... 44
• 부표목차 ... 53
• Ⅰ. 서론 및 선행연구 검토 ... 54
• 1. 연구의 필요성 및 목적 ... 55
• 2. 선행연구 검토 ... 57
• 가. 젠더관점의 저출산･고령사회기본계획 평가 ... 57
• 나. 청년연구의 젠더적 차원 ... 60
• 3. 연구방법 ... 64
• Ⅱ. 청년층의 생애전망 변화: 양적자료로 본 2030 세대 추이 분석 ... 67
• 1. 노동시장참여와 가족형성 ... 68
• 2. 청년세대의 가치관 변화 ... 84
• 가. 결혼규범 동의도 ... 84
• 나. 비혼동거･비혼출산･가족주의 동의도 ... 89
• 다. 가사분담과 여성의 일 ... 97
• 라. 계층이동 전망 ... 103
• 3. 소결 ... 107
• Ⅲ. 청년층의 생애전망 이야기: 비혼 2030 초점집단인터뷰 분석 ... 110
• 1. FGI 개요 ... 111
• 2. FGI 분석 ... 115
• 가. 대학생(취업준비생) ... 115
• 나. 고졸 구직자 ... 135
• 다. 대졸 구직자 ... 150
• 라. 대졸 취업자 ... 177
• 3. 소결 ... 195
• Ⅳ. 청년층의 생애전망 실태조사: 2030 세대의 일･친밀성･정책인식 ... 200
• 1. 실태조사 개요 ... 201
• 가. 조사대상 ... 201
• 나. 설문구성 ... 203
• 2. 실태조사 분석 ... 211
• 가. 일반적 특성 ... 211
• 나. 청년기의 의미 ... 214
• 다. 일 ... 222
• 라. 친밀성과 파트너십 ... 248
• 마. 자녀관 ... 269
• 바. 가치관과 미래계층 전망 ... 298
• 사. 정책적 대응 ... 311
• 3. 소결 ... 322
• Ⅴ. 저출산 대응정책의 방향 ... 332
• 1. 연구요약 ... 333
• 가. 청년층 생애전망의 변화: 2030 세대 추이 분석 ... 334
• 나. 청년층의 생애전망 이야기: 비혼 2030 초점집단인터뷰 분석 ... 335
• 다. 청년층의 생애전망 실태조사: 2030 세대의 일･친밀성･정책인식 ... 337
• 2. 수정 제3차 저출산․고령사회기본계획 평가 ... 340
• 3. 청년층의 생애전망을 고려한 저출산 대응정책의 방향 ... 350
• 참고문헌 ... 354
• 부록 ... 362
• 부록1. FGI 질문지 ... 363
• 부록2. 설문지 출처 ... 367
• 부록3. 설문지 ... 373
• 부록4. 표본설계 내역 ... 403
• Abstract ... 409
• 끝페이지 ... 414