This study aims to consider various changes of falling diphthongs in Korean and to explain the causes for such changes by classifying them into nucleus and glide. For this, the analysis has been conducted on the full range of words of the 15th century that included falling diphthongs of /ɔj/, /aj/, /əj/, /oj/, /uj/, and /ɯj/ to consider into their changes up to the 20th century. This study has found that falling diphthongs went through a lot of general and regular changes in various directions and that those changes were attributed to ...
This study aims to consider various changes of falling diphthongs in Korean and to explain the causes for such changes by classifying them into nucleus and glide. For this, the analysis has been conducted on the full range of words of the 15th century that included falling diphthongs of /ɔj/, /aj/, /əj/, /oj/, /uj/, and /ɯj/ to consider into their changes up to the 20th century. This study has found that falling diphthongs went through a lot of general and regular changes in various directions and that those changes were attributed to internal factors of the Korean syllable structure and the vowel system. Chapter 2 covers the phonological characteristics of the Korean falling diphthongs in the 15th century prior to discussing the changes of falling diphthongs. It has been found that the falling diphthongs are not /Vi/ but /Vj/ by examining preceding studies and relevant phonological phenomena. In addition, I have described the aspects of changes of falling diphthongs based on period and identified that the changes of falling diphthongs were instigated two different factors of nucleus and j. Based on the two change factors of falling diphthongs covered in Chapter 2, I have discussed the type and the process of changes in Chapter 3 and 4, respectively. Chapter 3 and 4 have examined the three phases of transition: 1) ㆎ, ㅐ, ㅔ, 2) ㅚ, ㅟ and, 3) ㅢ depending on the common characteristics that are seen in phonological aspects and changes. Chapter 3 describes the change on the falling diphthongs based on nucleus. These changes occurred mostly in 16th and 17th century and are mainly found in non-word initial position. Falling diphthongs in non-word initial position feature wider changes than those in word initial position. The nucleus that comprises falling diphthongs has to do with the adjustment of the vowel system caused by the initial transition of ㆍ and the back vowelization of ㅓ, which is the primary transition of falling diphthongs. ㆎ, ㅐ, and ㅔ mostly change in non-word initial position. ㆎ is likely to see its transition mostly ㆎ>ㅢ as part of the primary transition of ㆍ, but experiences exceptional transitions such as ㆎ>ㅔ and ㆎ>ㅐ. Such transitions as ㅔ>ㅐ and ㅔ>ㅢ seen in around the 17th century reflect a wide range of phonetic variation in the realization of /ㅓ/. ㅚ and ㅟ was nonrounded-vowelized to ㅢ in the non-word initial position. Chapter 4 describes the changes of falling diphthongs based on j. The changes that occurred in the 19th and 20th century have to do with monophthongization of falling diphthong. Monophthongization occurred as front vowels were added to the vowel system of the Korean language or were combined with other existing monophthongs. Monophthongization of a front vowel occurred when it was mostly in word-initial position. Monophthongization is interpreted as the process of assimilating the nucleus into the frontal feature of j. The umlaut does not premise the monophthongization of /e, ɛ, ø, y/ and is considered to have been phonologized through phonetic variations. Monophthongization was followed by rising diphthongization. Changes that are directly linked with establishment of front vowels, such as /e/, /ɛ/, and /ø/ include ㆎ>ㅐ, ㅐ>ㅔ, ㅢ>ㅔ, and ㅚ>ㅔ. Monophthongization of ㅔ and ㅐ is deemed to have occurred in non-word initial position and occasionally occurred earlier depending on phonological elements but changes are estimated to have proliferated in mid 18th century. Changes of ㅚ and ㅟ do not have as much evidence on the monophthongization of ㅟ as on that of ㅚ. The monophthongization of ㅚ is estimated to have occurred in late 19th century and is likely to occur in word-initial position first. Compared to other falling diphthongs, ㅚ and ㅟ feature a variety of patterns in change. In particular, there are many occasions where ㅚ changed to another vowel in non-word initial position. The preceding consonant condition does not have a significant effect on the change of falling diphthongs but the [+coronal] qualification is deemed to be closely associated with the change of ㅚ and ㅟ. Lastly, ㅢ was monophthongized into such elements as /i/ and /e/ or diphthongized into [ɰi]. The rising diphthongization can take the change of ㅢ>ㅣ as its basis, and its occurrence is estimated to be between the late 19th century and early 20th century.
This study aims to consider various changes of falling diphthongs in Korean and to explain the causes for such changes by classifying them into nucleus and glide. For this, the analysis has been conducted on the full range of words of the 15th century that included falling diphthongs of /ɔj/, /aj/, /əj/, /oj/, /uj/, and /ɯj/ to consider into their changes up to the 20th century. This study has found that falling diphthongs went through a lot of general and regular changes in various directions and that those changes were attributed to internal factors of the Korean syllable structure and the vowel system. Chapter 2 covers the phonological characteristics of the Korean falling diphthongs in the 15th century prior to discussing the changes of falling diphthongs. It has been found that the falling diphthongs are not /Vi/ but /Vj/ by examining preceding studies and relevant phonological phenomena. In addition, I have described the aspects of changes of falling diphthongs based on period and identified that the changes of falling diphthongs were instigated two different factors of nucleus and j. Based on the two change factors of falling diphthongs covered in Chapter 2, I have discussed the type and the process of changes in Chapter 3 and 4, respectively. Chapter 3 and 4 have examined the three phases of transition: 1) ㆎ, ㅐ, ㅔ, 2) ㅚ, ㅟ and, 3) ㅢ depending on the common characteristics that are seen in phonological aspects and changes. Chapter 3 describes the change on the falling diphthongs based on nucleus. These changes occurred mostly in 16th and 17th century and are mainly found in non-word initial position. Falling diphthongs in non-word initial position feature wider changes than those in word initial position. The nucleus that comprises falling diphthongs has to do with the adjustment of the vowel system caused by the initial transition of ㆍ and the back vowelization of ㅓ, which is the primary transition of falling diphthongs. ㆎ, ㅐ, and ㅔ mostly change in non-word initial position. ㆎ is likely to see its transition mostly ㆎ>ㅢ as part of the primary transition of ㆍ, but experiences exceptional transitions such as ㆎ>ㅔ and ㆎ>ㅐ. Such transitions as ㅔ>ㅐ and ㅔ>ㅢ seen in around the 17th century reflect a wide range of phonetic variation in the realization of /ㅓ/. ㅚ and ㅟ was nonrounded-vowelized to ㅢ in the non-word initial position. Chapter 4 describes the changes of falling diphthongs based on j. The changes that occurred in the 19th and 20th century have to do with monophthongization of falling diphthong. Monophthongization occurred as front vowels were added to the vowel system of the Korean language or were combined with other existing monophthongs. Monophthongization of a front vowel occurred when it was mostly in word-initial position. Monophthongization is interpreted as the process of assimilating the nucleus into the frontal feature of j. The umlaut does not premise the monophthongization of /e, ɛ, ø, y/ and is considered to have been phonologized through phonetic variations. Monophthongization was followed by rising diphthongization. Changes that are directly linked with establishment of front vowels, such as /e/, /ɛ/, and /ø/ include ㆎ>ㅐ, ㅐ>ㅔ, ㅢ>ㅔ, and ㅚ>ㅔ. Monophthongization of ㅔ and ㅐ is deemed to have occurred in non-word initial position and occasionally occurred earlier depending on phonological elements but changes are estimated to have proliferated in mid 18th century. Changes of ㅚ and ㅟ do not have as much evidence on the monophthongization of ㅟ as on that of ㅚ. The monophthongization of ㅚ is estimated to have occurred in late 19th century and is likely to occur in word-initial position first. Compared to other falling diphthongs, ㅚ and ㅟ feature a variety of patterns in change. In particular, there are many occasions where ㅚ changed to another vowel in non-word initial position. The preceding consonant condition does not have a significant effect on the change of falling diphthongs but the [+coronal] qualification is deemed to be closely associated with the change of ㅚ and ㅟ. Lastly, ㅢ was monophthongized into such elements as /i/ and /e/ or diphthongized into [ɰi]. The rising diphthongization can take the change of ㅢ>ㅣ as its basis, and its occurrence is estimated to be between the late 19th century and early 20th century.
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